Peter Kuchar views an unusual looking termite mound in eastern Hiraan Region.
Peter Kuchar
Peter Kuchar, a retired rangeland ecologist with extensive experience in eastern Africa, has, over the years, sought out, read and abstracted as many documents on the rangelands of Somalia as he could find, often adding to them his own comments. Fortunately, these abstracts, which date as far back as 1844, are now available to the rest of us (see below).
Commiphora bushland in eastern Hiraan Region, Somalia (Photo: Peter Kuchar)
THE BURSERACEAE
Those of you who downloaded digital copies of The Burseraceae by Kuchar and Gillett on storiesofeastafrica.com will welcome the updated version now available at Kuchar & Gillett – The Burseraceae (Dec 2025).
For those unfamiliar with the term, Burseraceae is a family of shrubs and small trees. In Somalia, it comprises two genera, Boswellia and Commiphora, the latter probably the most diverse, abundant, economically important, yet worst understood and documented genus of woody plants in the Horn of Africa. This report not only explains why but also includes information (Somali names, uses etc.) about Burseraceae species in (pre-1989) Central Somalia, not to mention a very useful vegetative key for identifying them.
A commiphora tree showing the species’s iconic contorted appearance.
Author: JMK, C.C.C-Share Alike 4.0 International license
Speke’s gazelle is a very rare small antelope that is similar in appearance to the Thomson’s gazelle encountered by tourists on the Serengeti Plains in Tanzania. It inhabits a 20-40 km wide grassy plain along much of Somalia’s coast. In the mid 80’s it also occurred in the northern Ogaden of eastern Ethiopia. cc-by-sa-2.0. FlickreviewR 2
This announces the availability of another batch of free downloads of hard-to-find documents on the rangelands of Somalia: Twenty-six reports on subjects ranging from the Trees of Somalia, a sand movement inventory, and the traditional Deegan ecological classification, to the Yeheb nut and Spekes gazelle. Publication dates range from 1907-2013. Several reports, originally published between 1954 and 1976, are translations of articles in Italian journals (1954-1976).
Featured image: Densities of goats November / December 1983
This announces the availability of free downloads of hard-to-find documents on the rangelands of Southern Somalia, an area larger than Great Britain. These include 2 published papers, 15 reports and 87 maps. Twenty-six of the maps compare wet and dry season densities of dynamic resources, including livestock, wildlife, cropping and seasonal habitation. Publication dates range from 1980 to 1992. https://storiesofeastafrica.com/the-southern-rangelands-of-somalia-2/
Featured image: Large trucks provided the primary transport for pastoralists and villagers within the Central Rangelands. Boards resting on the upright sides of the truck separated people (above) from small stock and other cargo (below).
A fourth set of free downloads of hard-to-find documents on the Central Rangelands of Somalia’s is now available. This installment includes eleven extension leaflets (five written in Somali) and nine monitoring and evaluation documents by the Central Rangelands Development Project. The period covered is from 1979 to 1988. https://storiesofeastafrica.com/?page_id=4229
A third set of free downloads on the rangelands of Central Somalia is now available. This installment includes five reports, ten maps, and seven published papers on rangeland ecology and development https://storiesofeastafrica.com/?page_id=4116
A second set of free downloads of hard-to-obtain documents on the rangelands of Central Somalia is now available. This installment includes survey and research results produced by the Central Rangelands Development Project https://storiesofeastafrica.com/reports-by-somalia-crdp/. Reports by other agencies will follow in future texts.
This post includes surveys and maps carried out in 1979 by Resource Management and Research (RMR), London. Reports by other agencies will follow in future posts.
Editor’s note: Many of this website’s posts derive from my time as a volunteer in Tanzania in the mid 1960’s. However, I’m also interested in the experiences of other volunteers who devoted a few years of their lives in assisting communities and non-government and government agencies in East Africa. This post, by Paul Bolstad, is the second in this line. If you have a volunteer story you would like to have published please let me know at d_herlocker@icloud.com.
By Paul Bolstad, U.S. Peace Corps volunteer.
PROLOGUE
It was late afternoon and the Kilombero Settlement Scheme’s small, corrugated metal office building was hot and stuffy. Wiping sweat from my brow, I returned to trying to make sense of a farmer member’s accounts as recorded by the scheme’s clerical staff: Smudged pages, indecipherable scribbles, misplaced decimal points, numbers in the tens when all logic said they should be in the 100’s, columns that didn’t add up. . . Yuck!
“Hodi?” Can I come in? Our mechanic stood in the open doorway brandishing a greasy truck (lorry) part. “Imekwisha!” he announced. It is finished! He glumly added that: (a) the vehicle it came from couldn’t run without it, and (b) he had no replacement parts. Oof! Bad news: The scheme’s trucks had to be kept running to haul our farmers’ sugar cane to the processing factory. I knew exactly what Mr. Temu, the manager, was going to say: “Paul, please take the bus to Dar es Salaam tomorrow to get more vehicle parts.”
And I didn’t want to because it would delay sorting out the farmers’ accounts so they could be paid for cane they had produced last year, something the previous manager had failed to do. But the trucks had to be kept running, so . . .
Mechanic: How can I work without spare parts? Paul Bolstad
Just then another familiar face appeared, an older man with wispy beard and Muslim skull cap (kofia). Mr. Temu and I knew him as a loquacious troublemaker and probable cause of the removal of the scheme’s previous manager. He wanted to see Mr. Temu about a “problem.” Uh oh!
This was more bad news: I could see this request leading to a baraza or meeting, with Mr. Temu and I spending an entire morning or afternoon listening to farmers’ complaints about problems we already knew about and were trying to fix. It would keep us in touch with our farmers but otherwise solve nothing. For my part, I would worry the whole time about unfinished accounts and the need to keep our trucks / lorries running.
Dar es Salaam was beginning to look more inviting.
I was part of a group of 13 Peace Corps volunteers assigned to the Rural Settlement Division in Tanzania’s Ministry of Lands and Settlement. Our charge was to help, in any way we could, in the management of resettlement schemes. The latter were assisting people to a better life by giving them an opportunity to produce cash crops alongside their normal food crops. This involved clearing land with heavy equipment, surveying plots, and supplying seeds, fertilizers, tools, and on-site agricultural advice. Schemes marketed the crops at negotiated prices and, after deducting the costs of inputs they had supplied, paid each farmer based on the amount he/she had contributed.
KILOMBERO SETTLEMENT SCHEME
The Kilombero Settlement Scheme, based at Sonjo 35 miles north of Ifakara, supported 250 families living in three villages. Settler members came from all over the country. The settlement scheme provided sugar cane to the privately owned Kilombero Sugar Company, which had extensive plantations of sugar cane at the base of the Udzungwa Mountains 17 miles away. Smaller sugar cane “out-growers” augmented the company’s cane production. At 1,000 acres, the Kilombero Settlement Scheme was the largest “out-grower.”
Location of the Kilombero Settlement Scheme. Map data@2014 Afrigis(Pty) Ltd, Google
Sugar cane growing on the settlement scheme.
Paul Bolstad
Planting sections of sugar cane, which will take root and grow up to 15 ft (4.5 m) high and 2 inches (5 cm) thick .
Paul Bolstad
I arrived in Oct. 1966, half-way through the harvesting season, to find the settlement scheme roiled by farmers so unhappy that they had forced the removal of the previous manager. They were especially angry about frequent breakdowns of settlement scheme vehicles which threatened the scheme’s ability to deliver its quota of cane to the sugar factory. Many had waited for over a year to harvest their cane and be paid.
Farmers discussing a problem
Paul Bolstad
However, there was a wider problem in that the farmers simply didn’t trust the government civil servants running the settlement scheme. They especially disliked the Tanzanian clerical staff, or “karanis,” who acted superior, treating the farmers with little respect. The farmers also felt the karanis were trying to trick them out of their fair shares in the proceeds. The leaders in fomenting and channeling this mistrust and anger were settlers from the coastal areas, the “Waswahili,” whose language, Kiswahili, was widely used throughout East Africa as a trade language. Not known for their commitment to hard physical labor, they were, on the other hand, accomplished attenders of meetings and discussions, and in sending delegations to headquarters bearing complaints and demands.
Settlement scheme farmers meeting to discuss problems. Note the predominance of Muslim Waswahili as indicated by their distinctive kofias or caps. Paul Bolstad.
THE NEWCOMER
I had no immediate assignment, which was just as well because I was, at the time, effectively useless to anyone. Thus, my first three months were devoted to improving my Kiswahili language skills, and in a crash course in sugar cane production and operational details of the settlement scheme.
Paul Bolstad
When the new settlement scheme manager, Mr. Felix Kitipo Temu, arrived, I found him to be friendly, helpful and highly competent. I became his administrative assistant, and we became fast friends while working together to understand and put right the troubles that plagued the settlement scheme. I soon found myself deeply involved in its operations.
Mr. Felix Kitipo Temu, in retirement many years later.
Paul Bolstad
AS A GO-BETWEEN
I acted as Mr.Temu’s “go-between” with the sugar factory whenever the scheme couldn’t fulfil its quota of cane. He also frequently sent me to Dar es Salaam, over 200 miles away, to obtain vehicle parts and get papers signed at the ministry. I became an expert in going from one desk to another in government offices, waiting out reluctant and/or slothful bureaucrats until I got what I needed. Because travel by bus to Dar es Salaam took a full day, and I averaged one trip a month, this aspect of my work took up much of my time.
AS AN ACCOUNTANT
Mr. Temu’s arrival coincided with the end of the harvesting campaign of 1966. Each year the sugar company set the dates of the “campaign, which usually started when the fields and roads were dry enough to support heavy equipment and continued for about seven months when the sugar processing factory, which ran 24 hours a day, shut down for five months of repairs and maintenance.
The Kilombero Sugar Cane factory backdropped by the Udzungwa Mountains. The factory continues to operate to this day with 45% of its production supplied by 8,000 Kilombero Valley small holders. https://www.kilomberosugar.co.tz/en/about-us
The factory’s shutdown brought up the issue of payments to the farmers. Before any payment could be approved by headquarters in Dar es Salaam, we had to submit our accounts for each farmer, including how much cane was produced and transported minus charges for goods and services. But the scheme’s accounting system was a mess. Mr. Temu and I struggled for three months to make sense of seven months of receipt books and records before we satisfied the chief accountant. We then went to the bank and loaded up our Land Rover with a pile of money in small denominations and drove straight back to Sonjo. I still remember the line of expectant farmers waiting to be paid the next day.
Subsequently, Mr.Temu asked me to devise a new accounting system based on what we had learned, one any illiterate farmer could understand when he was paid. In fact, it only required the ability to add up a column of numbers twice and get the same result, as well as using a measure of common sense. (Mr. Temu’s favorite saying was “Common sense is not common.”) I don’t remember being involved in accounting after that.
AS A PLANNER
We spent much of each year preparing for the next harvest season, a major objective being to ensure that our cane was successfully loaded in the fields and hauled to the factory over 17 miles of bad roads.
The reason this was so important was that the settlement scheme had to supply its quota of a minimum daily tonnage of sugar cane to the factory or risk its quota for the next harvesting season being reduced, Furthermore, if not delivered within two or three days of being cut, the sugar content of the cane began to fall, causing the factory to reject it or pay a lower rate.
Farmers loading sugar cane.
Paul Bolstad
Trucks hauled cane to the factory on dirt roads like this.
Paul Bolstad
Thus, we had to ensure our government-owned trucks / lorries were adequately prepared for the long harvesting season by the scheme’s trained mechanic and his assistants. (We had a warehouse but no roofed garage, therefore repairs were carried out in the shade of a large tree.) We also had to order the correct quantities of spare parts for the coming season so that the scheme’s mechanics could quickly repair vehicles as needed.
Mechanic repairing truck
Paul Bolstad
AS A BUILDER
Mr. Temu and I came up with the idea of creating a shortcut to the factory and charging a small fee for each truck using it. This required digging a ditch of considerable length to drain low-lying sections of the proposed road. Our government division advanced funds to hire laborers, and our neighbor, Major Plett, another sugar cane “out-grower,” whose trucks would also use the short cut road, provided additional labor.
We devised a simple design for the ditch, a method of measuring the amount of earth removed by each laborer, and a way to keep the ditch drained of water while being dug (basically, start digging at the lowest spot and work upwards). We also paid each laborer as soon as he completed his day’s defined task. I remember being amazed at how much this speeded their work. The short cut was a success, significantly reducing the distance our trucks had to drive to reach the well-maintained roads of the sugar company.
Farmers building the shortcut road.
Paul Bolstad
We next decided to construct a proper office and a much better facility for servicing vehicles and storing spare parts. This required government funds for labor and for cement and bati (corrugated metal) sheets. We already had iron frames supplied years earlier for settler housing but never used. In addition, I secured a CINVA-RAM block-making machine from the Peace Corps office in Dar es Salaam, and prepared simple designs for the two buildings.
We then found a good source of soil to use to make “stabilized soil” blocks with the CINVA-RAM machine. Then I simply showed some laborers how to use the machine and paid them for each block produced. (See how a CINVA-RAM machine works at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bMK3l8_VR4Q.)
The walls were formed by laying air-dried blocks between the steel frames, which, set every ten feet, supported the corrugated metal roof. Having learned to lay bricks during Peace Corps training, I not only could teach and supervise the workers but also, much to their amazement, do the job myself—I doubt any of them had ever seen an “mzungu” (white man) lay bricks. The speed of their work improved considerably after that. They were a great success, and we were very proud of them.
The results of this effort were two buildings of simple but durable construction; the office is still standing and in use today, over half a century later.
Constructing the new Kilombero Settlement Scheme office building in 1967.
Paul Bolstad
The same building in 2024
Jono Jackson
YEAR 2
Transporting cane to the factory continued to be a problem. Therefore, we encouraged the farmers / settlers to obtain their own vehicles for hauling sugar cane. One farmer, who owned a duka (small store), had the financial resources to buy a new Ford 5-ton lorry. Another bought, with my financial support, an older used truck which often broke down. But we didn’t stop at that as we also recruited several transporters from Dar es Salaam to come to the settlement scheme during the harvest season and earn 51 shillings per load.
LOOKING BACK
I left the Kilombero Settlement Scheme in 1968 when my two years as a volunteer ended. A year later, in 1969, the government of Tanzania concluded its financial resources were too limited to continue supporting settlement schemes and abruptly converted the Kilombero Settlement Scheme into a self-supporting cooperative. This caused the poorer settlers, including most of the coastal Waswahili, to immediately depart, leaving their holdings to be taken over by the scheme’s more successful farmers. When next I visited, in 1974, the cooperative was struggling to survive.
Settlement scheme problems? Hakuna matata! Paul Bolstad
Looking back on my time at the Kilombero Settlement Scheme, I for years felt it difficult to conclude that the efforts of Mr. Temu and I in putting it on a firm operational footing were in any way part of an incremental building of a rural development process. One can even say that our efforts were largely wasted because of the abrupt abandonment of the settlement scheme idea so soon after I left. (Note: That said, my discovery that the office building we constructed still exists, that it is still occupied by a cooperative, and that recent data shows “out-growers” to be supplying up to 45% of total cane intake of the Kilombero Sugar Factory (https://www.kilomberosugar.co.tz/en/about-us) makes me wonder if Mr. Temu and I, weren’t perhaps more successful than we thought.)
In any case, I know I did the best I could and that what came of my efforts is more the responsibility of those that followed. I am content in the memory of the rich personal experiences and relationships I had with people such as Mt. Felix Kitipo Temu, who became a friend and acted like a co-worker rather than a boss. I was fortunate that I had to learn Kiswahili, (now Tanzania’s official national language), because it provided insights into, and appreciation of, Tanzanian culture I would not otherwise have had. Furthermore, I gained a perspective on rural development in Africa that proved useful in my subsequent studies and in living and working elsewhere in Tanzania. All in all, I consider myself the chief beneficiary of the two years I spent in Tanzania on the Kilombero Settlement Scheme.